It’s October 29th, 2025. People in purple jackets are solemnly gathered in Gwanghwamun Square. The digits on their phones turn to 10:29 AM. For one minute, sirens whine throughout Seoul in remembrance of the fateful disaster that happened in the heart of the city three years ago. As President Lee Jaemyung described it, “a place for joy and celebration was turned, in an instant, into a scene of horror and despair.” The 2022 Itaewon tragedy, with its 159 casualties, remains the most devastating crowd crush in Korean history.

Three years have passed, yet the question remains: Has Korea become a safer nation today? The answer is far from simple, shaped by a slow and often painful push for justice, incremental safety reforms, and a chorus of divided voices across society.

Admittedly, the path towards accountability has been slow. The Special Act on Protection of Rights of Sufferers, Truth-finding, and Prevention of Recurrence of October 29 Itaewon Disaster (the Itaewon Act for short) was designated as an urgent agenda item in June 2023 and passed by the National Assembly in January 2024. However, the Yoon administration vetoed the bill, postponing its ultimate approval until May of that year, when the Democratic Party reintroduced the motion. By its effect, the National Commission for the Investigation of the Itaewon Disaster (the Itaewon Commission) was formed in September. However, due to the delayed appointment of its members by the government, the commission did not begin its investigation until June 17, 2025.

Even with such delays, progress has begun. As of November, the commission is working on 271 cases related to the incident. Chairman Song Gichoon has announced that the inquiry will inspect all related personnel, including ex-president Yoon Sukyeol, Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sangmin, and Mayor Oh Sehoon. The Chief of the Yongsan Police Station Lee Imjae has been convicted due to his occupational negligence. Yet many high-ranking officials have escaped prosecution, such as the Commissioner General of the Seoul Police and the Yongsan District Mayor. Their appeal trials are still ongoing.

Critics have also pointed out that the Itaewon disaster could have been prevented. Though hundreds of thousands of people were already expected to gather in the district, crowd control was inadequate due to misplaced police forces and insufficient guidelines on large gatherings in confined spaces. Even though multiple distress calls were received, the response was slow and completely negligent. Officials who should have been at the scene coordinating rescue efforts were absent, appearing hours late.

In response to these failures, the government has since implemented measures to prevent such a disaster from happening again. Inter-agency communication manuals have been established, and safety protocols specific to crowd control have been updated. Authorities now designate a “concentrated safety management period” for large events like Halloween festivities, enabling enhanced monitoring, additional personnel deployment, and stricter safety enforcement during high-risk gatherings. Such measures have played a role in averting repetition of catastrophes, though many have expressed regret that such systems were not implemented prior to the loss of life.

Structural reforms, however, tell only part of the story. The Itaewon tragedy has led to collective acts of solidarity among citizens. Every year has seen memorial services being held across the nation, and this year’s service marks the first in which the government officially participated. Bereaved families have formed support networks, advocating for systemic safety reforms and justice while keeping victims’ memories alive. Their continuous efforts have led to legislation such as the Itaewon Act and the opening of the “House of Stars” memorial in Seoul as a place of remembrance for the victims.

Even with the respect paid, deep divisions remain. There have been those who blame the victims for going to the Halloween event and accuse the bereaved of using the tragedy for political gain, ultimately questioning whether the deaths even deserve to be grieved. Some victims have faced sexual harassment and mockery online. Even prominent politicians such as ex-Prime Minister Han Ducksoo were criticized for judging a survivor who decided to take his own life due to secondary victimization as being “weak of heart,” demonstrating insensitive attitudes even at the highest levels of government.

So, is Korea truly a safer society three years after this defining tragedy? The government’s response has been delayed mostly due to political disputes. The formation of the Itaewon Commission and new safety protocols are steps towards security, but a cultural change is still necessary. As Professor Lee Haesoo of Korea University’s Center for Media and Communication has commented, for a society to be truly safe, we must acknowledge “anyone can be grieved, no matter their background or the story of their lives.”

Ultimately, safety is not only secured by policy reforms but by the collective values of a people. Remembering the Itaewon tragedy is not merely an obligation towards the bereaved, but rather a commitment towards a better society: one in which grief is respected rather than mocked, and where solidarity in the pursuit of justice and truth brings about change. The purple stars are foundations towards building a safer, more compassionate Korea for all.