Living with the dead, for they helped us stand

We live with these people, but they’re not alive. Their footsteps are right here, but we can’t hear the thudding sound. Still, we see them every day – they’re spotted here and there on the school campus…

Televised Breakups: What Divorce Shows Have to Say about Love as Spectacle

While dating shows have been popular in Korean reality TV, in recent years, the entertainment industry has witnessed the emergence of a new genre: divorce shows. Unlike dating shows, which highlight the optimism of new romantic beginnings, these divorce shows reveal the complex reality of failed marriages. Characterized by intense and raw emotions, shows like We Got Divorced (우리 이혼했어요) feature divorced couples living together temporarily, revealing tension, resentment, and the unresolved issues that led to their breakup. The growing popularity of the divorce genre points to deeper questions: What lies beneath Korea’s promotion of this genre? Is it mere entertainment or commentary on how love and marriage are understood in modern Korean culture?It seems that divorce programs’ rise in popularity reflects broader societal shifts in how marriages are perceived in Korea. Divorce has become a more socially accepted practice. Once seen as a personal failing, it is now increasingly recognized as a conscious decision for well-being. This perception is reflected in the success of shows like We Got Divorced and Divorce Camp (이혼숙려캠프), both of which have continued into their second seasons. The sustained viewer interest in these programs suggests an affirmation of what was once taboo, without idealizing marriage as an unending, lifelong commitment.  Nonetheless, the fact that divorce shows are becoming trendy in Korea also reflects the long-standing tradition in reality TV to transform personal stories—those which are most intimate—into public spectacles. Disguised as “authentic,” the filming of these conflicts and heartbreaks is driven by sensationalism. Couples’ stories are often dramatized to captivate an audience.  Divorce Camp—a show styled like a televised divorce court—does not diverge from this core of spectacle-driven entertainment. The raw footage is cut and edited for dramatic effect. In one episode featuring a wife and her alcoholic husband, the footage focuses solely on the husband's drinking habits—close-up shots of the soju, accompanying snacks, and tense background music help intensify the atmosphere. To broaden its appeal, Divorce Camp also features a diverse range of couples, from middle-aged pairs to interracial marriages, ensuring viewer interest through the novelty and variety.  This spectacle does not end with only the editing technique. The key feature of Divorce Camp’s format is its mock court setting: the hosts watch and review the footage. Although the host’s role is to guide the couples to their own final verdicts, their commentaries also dramatize the conflict. They react, dissect, and comment on the couples, often expressing their shock or disapproval. This performative judgment not only makes Divorce Camp more appealing but also transforms the audience into active participants in the spectacle. Viewers are invited to identify with the commentators, creating a shared sense of moral superiority over the couples. Together, these elements create a moral distance between the audience and the complex realities of the couples, reducing their experiences to consumable content.  At their core, divorce shows thrive on the pleasure of voyeurism. By exposing the breakdown of marriages, these shows encourage viewers to fully immerse themselves in the private emotions of others, normally off-limits to unrelated parties. In each episode of Divorce Camp, cameras are installed in the couple’s home for an entire week, operating as surveillance tools to capture unfiltered conflict and behavior. Viewers are quite literally invited into the marital space to observe the ugly and pitiful, without any actual involvement.  Some viewers also report experiencing emotional relief from watching such shows. When the couples in Divorce Camp are sent to marriage counseling, viewers often empathize with their emotional journeys. Witnessing the hardships and potential healing process allows the audience to process their own feelings and find a sense of catharsis. Yet there is something unsettling about this emotional release: it is a catharsis experienced through the plight of others—one that is mediated through selective editing. Furthermore, one must question if such emotion is based on anything substantial, when reality TV relies on constructed narratives.  We Got Divorced frames interactions between ex-couples with an undertone of reconciliation, but how much of this reconciliation is real, and how much is shaped by a scripted desire for romance designed to maximize audience engagement?  In the end, divorce shows are more than just a passing trend. They reflect a cultural shift in how love and marriage are perceived in modern Korean culture. These shows also reveal a voyeuristic impulse in the audience: we are always willing to consume intimate emotions as a form of entertainment. What ultimately ties the elements of spectacle, voyeurism, and catharsis together is the fact that divorce shows dehumanize their participants, reducing them into consumable figures whose struggles and personal lives are edited for maximum appeal and viewer engagement.  

Is Korea Ready for a Four-Day Workweek?

South Korea has built a global reputation for its grueling working hours, standing out even among Asian countries that have a similar reputation. With the 21st presidential election, the four-day workweek has once more surfaced in public discourse. On April 8, 2025, a national petition calling for a four-day workweek was submitted. Although the petition was officially closed with 29,019 (58%) in its favor, presidential candidates and government officials have begun proposing various ideas in response to public support for more flexible and balanced labor policies. Can the four-day workweek truly be implemented all across Korean society?There are two main arguments in support of a four-day workweek. First, it is thought to enhance individual and social well-being by improving work-life balance. Korea has one of the longest working hours in the OECD, with an individual working an average of 1,872 hours annually. Under these long hours and performance-oriented working conditions, many feel their quality of life is low and expect that a shorter workweek would improve their health and sense of contentment.   A four-day workweek could also help address broader social issues, such as decreased productivity,  widespread sense of burnout, and rising rates of depression. A study involving 61 organizations in the UK found that reducing working hours by 20%—without cutting pay—led to 71% of employees reporting lower levels of burnout. At the same time, company revenue remained stable and even increased by an average of 1. 4%. In turn, a four-day workweek may contribute to a more sustainable society in the long term—environmentally, economically, and demographically.  In fact, a four-day workweek is already implemented in many countries worldwide. The first country to adopt the practice was Iceland. Since 2015, Iceland has proven that reducing working hours without reducing wages can maintain or even improve productivity and efficiency on a national scale. Japan and Singapore have opened the option of a four-day workweek for certain occupations, such as government positions, as part of broader flexible working hours. Additionally, even in Korea, there are certain businesses that are attempting to implement a rendition of the four-day workweek. For example, Samsung Electronics, Posco, and SK Hynix allow a four-day workweek once every two weeks if employees satisfy a certain number of hours that the respective corporations require.  However, this is not without its limitations and shortcomings. If workload stays the same with shorter working hours, employees may experience even greater stress. A four-day workweek would either force workers to complete their work in a shorter period of time or work overtime. Furthermore, many of the limitations of a four-day workweek are related to its effect on wages. If a four-day workweek is offered along with a wage cut, many Koreans are unable or unwilling to participate. If it is implemented without wage cuts, small and mid-sized businesses may struggle financially. These businesses are already experiencing labor shortages, and reducing working days would further delay production and service delivery. Larger corporations have greater flexibility and resources in handling such change, potentially deepening the economic polarization between large and smaller enterprises.  Furthermore, a four-day workweek is difficult to implement in certain industries and types of work, particularly those reliant on shift-based operations, such as healthcare and aviation. About 10% of Korean workers are shift workers, and as such is the case, a large number of Korean employees would not benefit from reduced working hours. This highlights the limitations of applying a nationwide policy of a four-day workweek within the modern Korean context.  Another concern is the potential impact of reducing working hours on national competitiveness. In an era of rapid change and technological development, there is pressure to invest more time and effort in research, development, and industrial productivity. Since there are many hurdles in implementing a four-day workweek once and for all, both the Democratic Party and the People Power Party are advocating for a 4. 5-day workweek. However, their approaches differ in some significant ways. The Democratic Party suggests reducing overall working hours from 40 hours to 35 hours without cutting wages, emphasizing work-life balance and labor reforms. In contrast, the People Power Party proposes a 4. 5-day workweek as a part of flexible working hours. The party advocates for maintaining 40 hours of work, focusing on supporting the innovation and growth of businesses and industries. According to a public opinion poll conducted by Global Research, over half of Korean employees (58. 1%) responded that a 4. 5-day workweek is necessary. Even more (66. 8%) expressed support for reducing total working hours, rather than simply expanding flexible work arrangements without any reduction. A four-day workweek leads to fundamental change in labor, productivity, and quality of life. As Korea is undergoing rapid societal change, characterized by rising rates of mental health issues, technological change, and an aging population, reforming the structure of labor is essential. However, it is a complex issue that involves many real-life concerns and trade-offs. Therefore, there are still many debates to be had and details to be ironed out if the four-day workweek is indeed to be implemented nationwide in the future.

The Dark Side of International Student Admissions by Korean Universities

South Korea’s low fertility rate is a phenomenon familiar to many high-income countries worldwide. One significant area that a nation’s lower fertility rate impacts is its higher education system. In Korea, declining birth rates have led to a considerable drop in the school-age population, leaving five out of ten universities in non-urban areas (referred to as “local universities” in the Korean language) in 2025 unable to fill even 50% of their enrollment quotas. This threatens the long-term survival of these local universities, and their potential closure is sure to harm the local communities, causing further regional decline. For these universities to survive, they must look into ways of maximizing student enrollment, such as through the admission of international students. According to the Bureau of Statistics, in June 2024, visas issued to international students entering Korea increased by 14. 6% compared to the previous year, bringing the total number of foreign nationals with student visas to over 200,000. With expectations that this trend will continue, a few questions come to mind. Are Korean universities and the government well-prepared to welcome these international students and provide them with adequate resources and support? Does the job market have enough demand to digest this amount of Korean-educated international graduates?Data from Daehak Alrimi (대학알리미) shows that the dropout rate of international students increased from 6. 28% in 2020 to 8. 59% in 2022. Several reasons are attributed to this phenomenon, namely, an inability to adapt on campus on an academic or communicative level, and a lack of support services and fair treatment by universities towards international students. In 2024, there was a case involving Hanshin University where 22 international students were intimidated by the university into leaving Korea, when they still had time left on their visas. Though this is the most extreme of cases, it does reveal the vulnerable position that international students can assume in Korea. Other issues include serious xenophobia and racism. Back in 2021, a notice was made by the Mungyeong City local government regarding a campaign to match Vietnamese international students with single Korean men from rural areas, sparking huge controversy. Moreover, international students in Korea often face significant challenges as they work to fund their education and living expenses. While some may argue that students should prioritize their studies over employment, it is difficult to fault international students for dedicating significant time and effort to work, given the higher cost of living in Korea. As of 2025, South Korea ranks 26th out of 139 countries in terms of its cost of living. In contrast, the primary demographic of international students—Vietnamese, Chinese, and Mongolian—come from countries that rank in the hundreds. Living expenses cost far more in Korea than back home, and a majority of students have no choice but to juggle work and study to sustain themselves. Moreover, according to research conducted by the Chungbuk Women Foundation, in 2018, 62. 7% of international students were shouldering more than half of their tuition costs themselves.  Meanwhile, the current regulation on working hours also poses a significant obstacle for these international students. The current limit on working hours ranges from 10 to 35 hours, depending on one’s Korean proficiency and academic level. A fried chicken stall owner shared with Dong-A Ilbo that, based on the current regulation, international student part-timers are only allowed to work 2 to 5 hours a day. That would mean that he would need to hire two to three international students to work a day of shifts, making the hiring of these students undesirable from a business standpoint. Consequently, the economic burden of studying abroad, combined with the strict limit on working hours pushes many to work illegally beyond permitted hours, leaving them more vulnerable to labor exploitation.  Financial hardships and obstacles in employment often persist when international students leave school. Limited employment opportunities and job security contribute to the growing number of those overstaying their visas. Among students who enter Korea on a D-2-1 student visa to study a two-year college program, nearly 30% overstay their visas, while the rate of D-2-2 visa holders studying for an undergraduate degree nears 10%. As a whole, according to the Ministry of Justice, the ratio of illegal stay is on the rise, with the figures of those who remain illegally in Korea after graduation being around 20% in 2023, a 47. 7% increase compared to just three years prior. Combined with the employment rate of international students remaining below 10%, many are more vulnerable to accepting lower wages and other forms of labor exploitation as they look for secure employment. The issue is not negligible.  Korea’s low fertility rate is not a short-term issue, and the steady decline of Korean students attending university is inevitable. This means that increasing the enrollment of international students is a must for the survival of many universities, particularly local institutions. However, the burden of adaptation should not fall only on the shoulders of international students; it should be a shared responsibility involving universities, the government, and society as a whole. A more inclusive and welcoming Korea will attract more foreign talents and encourage them to meaningfully contribute to the nation and beyond, fulfilling the core purpose of education. For this to happen, specific efforts must be made, including improving on-campus conditions for international students, revising restrictive working hour limits, and providing greater financial support to those in need. These steps will not only better the international student experience but also help foster a more inclusive, forward-looking society.  

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